The Rediff Special/ J N Dixit
The Chinese see no need for a special relationship with India
Recent policy statements by Chinese leaders and comments by foreign
observers knowledgeable about China indicate the following concerns
and criticalities; China has to structure a stable political leadership
in the post-Deng period, which has already commenced. It has to
cope with the profound problems of distributive justice affecting
the large population of the country.
China's rapid and successful
economic modernisation programme has resulted in some parts of
China becoming prosperous while others have lagged behind in terms
of economic development and levels of prosperity. The asymmetry
in internal development patterns can generate political tensions,
which have to be countered.
China faces the challenges of reconciling
between requirements of environmental protection and economic
development and between maintaining standards of human rights
while ensuring internal political discipline and stability. China
has to deal with ethno-religious fissiparous tendencies, particularly
in Tibet and Sinkiang. It also has to cope with the problem of
ensuring food security for such a large population.
Given this
background, China's desire the creation of an environment of peace
and stability in its neighbourhood and in the Asian region to
concentrate on its own economic development and national consolidation.
While China declares its firm opposition to all forms of hegemony
and insists that its armed forces's capacities are geared only
for defensive purposes. China is clear that it will not compromise
on its legitimate political jurisdiction over Taiwan, Macao,
Hong Kong and portions of the South China sea. China has reservations
about the US-Japanese security connections and the USA military
presence in the Asia-Pacific region. But it also feels that the
US military presence to some extent may curb the resurgence of
Japanese or Russian assertiveness in Asia.
China's long-term objective, however, is to emerge as a world
power. Balancing off the unipolarity of US domination of world
politics, though this particular motivation is not articulated
by the Chinese. As far as India is concerned, their approach is
that India and China should have a good working relationship.
India should not become the base for any separatist activities
in Tibet against them.
The Chinese do not see the need for any
special equation between them and India at present on the strategic
or security matters or as a galvanising factor in Asian resurgence.
What then should be the shorter term objectives to be achieved,
taking advantage of Jiang's visit when it takes places?
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