The Rediff Special/ J N Dixit
Tibetan must not affect our relations with China
First of all, we must accept that the Chinese are aware of the limitations
of political uncertainties which affect India at present in terms
of domestic politics and in terms of India's relations with its
immediate neighbours, four of which also happen to be China's
neighbours (Myanmar, Bhutan, Nepal and Pakistan). China remains
seriously concerned about the activities of the Dalai Lama with
his base in India. We must ensure that Tibetan ethno-religious
politics does not affect our interests in terms of maintaining
stability in our relations with China.
Sino-Indian discussions
on the boundary question are progressing slowly. Both India and
China should accept that resolving the issue will take a long
time and will have to go through complex negotiations. Both sides
should nevertheless endeavour to show some progress of political
significance in these discussions.
A practical course of action
would be for India and China to issue a joint communique or declaration
during President Jiang Zemin's visit, the contents of which could
be similar to the Shanghai communique which China issued jointly
with Russia and its Central Asian neighbours in April this year.
The communique could contain two categories of joint commitments
by both the countries. First relating to political and defence
confidence building measures; the second category could consist
of both sides agreeing on some general principles on the basis
of which they will resolve the boundary question in due course,
which could be:
Both sides would give up claims based on events of the colonial
period which are not relevant to their current geo-strategic and
political interests.
Both sides will try to settle the boundary issue on the basis
of accepted principles of international law by demarcating boundaries
between countries giving due respect to geographical features
and considerations of stabilising the boundary and ensuring mutual
security.
Both sides could agree to demarcate the boundary using modern
cartographic techniques and tools.
Both sides may agree to settle the boundary dispute on the
basis of mutual adjustment and respecting each other's legitimate
security interests.
This proposed Sino-Indian joint communique need not be as detailed
as the Shanghai communique. Documents could be more general and
conceptual in nature. In my view, it would be worthwhile for our
government to study the Shanghai communique and see if such a
declaration cannot be issued during Jiang's visit which would
be acknowledged by both the Indian and the Chinese people as a
significant political development furthering Sino-Indian relations.
In the meantime, some joint decisions could be taken to further
expand bilateral relations which have been carefully structured
over the last five years since Li Peng's visit. This could cover
areas of border trade, expansion and diversification of bilateral
trade, similar enhancement of scientific and technological co-operation
union should include spheres or peaceful uses of nuclear energy
and space technology.
An important point to be noticed in conclusion is that regardless
of the differences in approach on the CTBT, the fact of the matter
is that China does not question India's sovereign discretion in
determining the options which India should retain for its national
security.
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