Commentary/Fuzail Jafferey

In the mess of Pak politics, Leghari emerges on top

Fifty years have slipped into oblivion since Pakistan was created on the basis of the two-nation theory. A theory proved wrong by a secular India, and torn to shreds by Pakistani politicians, who have neither gained any lessons from the past, nor learned how to manage a democratic polity.

Pakistan is perhaps the only country in South Asia which is permanently run and administered on a day-to-day basis. The Pakistani brand of political adhocism, as we know it, has resulted not only in three long spells of martial rule, covering half its chequered history, but also the dismissal of as many as nine elected governments and the sacking of the National Assembly in the most unceremonious manner.

Few in or outside Pakistan, therefore, were surprised or shocked when President Farooq Ahmad Khan Leghari dismissed the government of his one-time political mentor, Benazir Bhutto, on November 5, 1996, who had been appointed prime minister for the second time in 1993.

To make Leghari president, Bhutto had used all her political skills to get rid of the then president, Ghulam Ishaq Khan, and defeat the Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz)-backed candidate Wasim Sajjad. She probably hoped to implement her authoritarian programmes without any difficulty through Leghari, then considered to be her "lackey." To ensure Leghari's elections, Bhutto even sought the support of Mohajir Quami Movement chief Altaf Husain, whom she would later publicly call a "traitor" and "Indian agent."

Bhutto also tried to strengthen her position in other ways, but completely forgot about the promises she had made to the people during her election campaign: promises on transparent government deals; respect for human rights and political dissent; free and fair judiciary; independence of the state-controlled media; economic boom; and the total eradication of corruption, all of which remained confined to the pages of newspapers even as Pakistan continued to slide downhill in every possible sphere of life.

Instead of an economic boom, Pakistan found itself on the verge of a total economic collapse. Corruption reached unimaginable heights as Benazir's husband and the minister in charge of financial affairs, Asif Ali Zardari, turned the prime minister's house into a stock exchange.

Thousands of Mohajirs became the victims of police atrocities, engineered by former interior minister Nasirullah Babar, in collaboration with Zardari, who is now languishing in a Karachi prison. Both have been chargesheeted for conspiring to murder Murtaza Bhutto, the only surviving brother of Benazir, under section 109 of Pakistan Penal Code. Incidentally, 18 years ago, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, father of Benazir, was sentenced to death under the same section in the case of Nawab Mohammad Khan's murder.

The sudden dismissal of the Pakistan People's Party-led coalition government and the formation of a caretaker cabinet with Meraj Khalid as the prime minister, was thus a natural culmination of Benazir's own misdeeds.

The president has kept his word of holding elections on February 3, 1997. If the present political scenario is any indication, it has already become quite obvious that regardless of the outcome of the February 3 elections, no meaningful change can be expected in the structure of governance in Pakistan. Apparently, Benazir Bhutto, Mian Nawaz Sharif, and Imran Khan are pitched against one another in a fierce battle for electoral supremacy. None of them has, however, been able to establish her/his credential as a really pro-people leader.

Benazir Bhutto's arrogance, inherited form her late father Z A Bhutto, knows no bounds. Her election manifesto is restricted to abusing and attacking Leghari without constraint. Besides, she is facing a serious challenge from the PPP factions led by Murtaza's widow, Ghinwa, and Mumtaz Bhutto, who has replaced Syed Abdullah Shah as the chief minister of Sind.

The deposed prime minister's repeated assertion that she would not accepted the results if they go against her clearly betrays her lack of proportion. Things have drastically changed from the time when she returned to Pakistan after spending eight years in exile and started her fight against the so-called 'pious and religious' military dictator, General Zia-ul Haq. Her two stints as the prime minister have diminished her popularity and credibility among the masses. One wonders if she too would not be sent to Landhi jail to join her husband once the elections are over.

In spite of being a political novice, Imran Khan was looked upon as the third option till a few months ago. But now he is clearly on the defensive -- religions zealots directly or indirectly controlled by the Jamaat-e-Islami (which is boycotting the elections) are using the Sita White scandal to the advantage of Nawaz Sharif. A recent news item published in The Times, London, alleging that Imran has received substantial funds for his election campaign from Sir James Goldsmith, has further damaged his image as Mr Clean.

The very fact that Imran is contesting from as many as nine constituencies shows that he is nervous. In fact, Imran has already conceded defeat by saying that even if his Tehrik-i-Insaaf (Justice Party) does not win a single seat, he will continue his jihad against corruption and social injustice.

As far as the former prime minister Mian Nawaz Sharif is concerned, he is a cent per cent status quo politician. In his elections manifesto he has churned out the same old cliches of economic growth, alleviation of poverty, privatisation, and so on. Since, like the other politicians of Pakistan, he too is dependent for his survival on the feudal lords, he has neither the courage nor the capacity to talk of radical land reforms or decentralisation of power. He may shout at the top of his voice that he alone, among all the contenders for the prime minister's post, is the pukka Pakistani, but in reality he is only concerned with power and privilege.

In all probability, his party, the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz, will not get an absolute majority in the National Assembly but will most likely emerge as the single largest party as both Benazir Bhutto and Imran Khan have too many hurdles to cross. Moreover, during the last three years, Nawaz Sharif has built up a good rapport with the Altaf Husain, who is sure to support Sharif in his efforts to form the government.

Mian Nawaz Sharif will be only two happy to do so in consultation with and under the direct patronage of Leghari. The PML-N chief was the first important public figure and frontline politician to congratulate Leghari on the formation of the Council for Defence and National Security. By appointing this council, which includes commander-in-chief of the armed forces along with the three armed forces chiefs, the caretaker government has completely outwitted Benazir Bhutto. Even if she returns to power now or later, she will not be able to harm the president in any way. Taking decisions in consultations with the "troika" is nothing new for the ruling elite in Pakistan. But by institutionalising the participation of the army in running the country on a day-to-day basis, Leghari has given the whole setup a new dimension.

Now, no power can remove him from the presidential palace till the end of his present term in 1999. He may easily manage to get yet another term for himself with the help of the CDNS. Besides, the Supreme Court of Pakistan has further strengthened the president's position by giving constitutional approval to the controversial 8th Amendment -- a creation of General Zia-ul Haq.

It can be argued that various steps taken by the president since November 5, 1996, will further weaken the already fragile democratic structure in Pakistan, and that the country has started moving from the parliamentary system to the presidential form of government.

Recent opinion polls conducted by certain leading Pakistani dailies, however, show that people by and large have approved of the formation of the Council for Defence and National Security. This implies that the citizens are fast losing faith in politicians. Only a new and dynamic generation of politicians, who do not wish to survive and thrive on anti-Indian sentiments, can save Pakistan from a Mynamar-like situation.