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The view from Kashmir

How does New Delhi look from here? I posed this question at a small gathering of lawyers and intellectuals in Srinagar recently. One lawyer replied: "It is ugly and makes me feel ashamed." Another one said: "How could you criticise Pakistan for having lost democracy when you never allowed us to rule ourselves?"

Indeed, as I talked to more and more people -- lawyers, journalists, retired bureaucrats, politicians, economists and businessmen -- I found that India's image was more smeared than before. It is not only alienation, it is a mood of indifference.

During my earlier visit, one and a half years ago, I had seen the Kashmiris expecting things to take a turn for the better. A substantial number of them had participated first in the Lok Sabha poll and then in the state assembly election in October 1996. In more than one way, they had rebuffed the forces which were pro-militant, parochial and which had stalled the process of merging with the mainstream. The anti-India elements stood somewhat isolated.

Even otherwise, the Kashmiris were tired of leading an insecure and uneasy life. The militancy had once ignited a spirit of challenge and defiance. But it had also brought in its wake the retaliation by security forces, often brusque and brutal. Enough of bloodshed had taken place. There was a realisation that all that had happened had taken them nowhere. Chief Minister Farooq Abdullah's promise for a better deal administration sounded more credible than before. They wanted to try him again -- and also the Government of India.

New Delhi was seen learning from the Lok Sabha election in 1996 that a free atmosphere evoked a wider response. The assembly election was a welcome follow-up. Afraid of gun culture and communal sentiments overtaking their peaceful and Kashmiri way of living, many came forward to exercise their vote. Despite a boycott call by the Hurriyat leaders, who associated themselves with the demand for independence or elections under the UN, nearly 40 per cent of the Kashmiris went to the polls in 1996 to elect the assembly. It was not that they had come to accept New Delhi but it was their feeling that normalcy would give them better dividends.

Whether the Centre or Farooq Abdullah realised this or not, most Kashmiris had generally reconciled themselves to the situation provided they got good governance and secure living. Two years, from the assembly election in October 1996 to the end of 1998, was a trial period. It seems that the advantage has been blown up. The 1999 Lok Sabha election in Kashmir was the biggest fraud committed on the voters. Elections were only in name. It is a sort a blot which the Central Election Commission will not be able to rub off easily.

The rigging in the 1998 assembly election had driven young men from ballot to bullet. A feeling of disappointed had turned first into desperation and then into insurgency, with the help of the Pakistan army and arms. The same thing happened in the 1999 Lok Sabha election. More than 200 disgusted boys have crossed into Pakistan to get training. The local population is once again showing a sneaking admiration for even foreign militants, 90 per cent of them Pakistanis.

People feel that their expectations have been belied. They find the government failing in every field, particularly the administration. Nor do they find any redress of their grievance. The cost of living is going up, electricity alone, if and when available, costing 50 per cent more. On top of it, they daily come across examples of waste and unchecked corruption from top to bottom.

In fact, people have felt cheated. New Delhi is seen engrossed in security, not in the measures on how to improve their lot. Farooq Abdullah's acts of omission and commission have come to be seen as New Delhi's doings. The state government's defence is that the promised economic package is yet to arrive. And the Rs 400 crore released by the Centre is inadequate.

Criticism of India, which was somewhat mute at one time, has now become loud. They feel that they have no say, much less participation, in managing their own affairs. A political solution is at the back of their mind. But a cleaner, quicker and more sympathetic administration would have gone a long way to span the ever-growing distance between the people and the government.

Even during my short visit, I found instances of harassment, maltreatment and authoritarian behaviour. People have fewer complaints against the BSF. But their main anger is directed against the special operation group (SOG) comprising the Kashmir police. The Rashtriya Rifles, which is dubbed Rashtriya Sangh, also comes in for severe criticism. Once again, there are searches by cordoning off a particular area, as was done in the early 90s. There are allegations of excesses.

The militants operate even in the city. A hand-grenade was lobbed at a place near my hotel. There was an explosion at the inauguration of a bridge by Farooq Abdullah. One thing different from the past is that such incidents do not seem to disturb people. They have begun to take such incidents in their stride. There is no hartal, no detour of the affected place by pedestrians.

While walking on the road, I found no sign of Talibanisation of the city. Very few women wore burqua and few men sported beards. There is normalcy of sorts. The number of bunkers in the city is far less than before. Even security men on the streets are not so visible as it was the last time. No doubt, there are more militants from across the border than are from within. But the local population does give them shelter and provide them guides for "the target." The attack on the army headquarters at Badami Bagh is one example of local assistance.

Cross-border militancy has increased since the advent of General Pervez Musharraf's military rule. Islamabad is also encouraging local militancy. Apart from Pakistan's encouragement, the atmosphere of disappointment is also conducive to desperation. Since the rigging of the 1999 election, people have lost hope of changing the Farooq Abdullah men through the ballot box. Some had pinned their hopes on a third force, which Mufti Mohammad Sayeed, his daughter Mehbooba, and Muzafar Ali Beg, the three candidates, were trying to build so as to be an alternative to Farooq's National Conference and the Hurriyat. But the defeat of the three seems to have convinced many that there is no respite from their plight except through militancy.

Economically, the state has not done well. The apple crop has got spoilt and the Kargil operation has taken its toll. Many people have suffered. There are no openings for the young men leaving schools or colleges. Some of them are tempted to join the militants, who pay their parents Rs 2,500 a month regularly. For some time, the militants have been spending lavishly. If they eat at any house, they leave behind at least Rs 500. There are very few examples of extortion.

In fact, the image of the militants has improved. Lately, they are seen as "liberators." When anyone of them is killed, there is a burial procession. Even youthful leader Shabir Shah argues that there may not be any other option "if New Delhi does not listen to us." At present, he favours a dialogue and wants the Hurriyat leaders, who have become more credible after their detention, to be associated with the talks.

It looks as if when it comes to India, almost all Kashmiris join hands. The realisation that Islamabad is in no position to force any solution on New Delhi makes them feel helpless. And then they pick on India all the more.

Kuldip Nayar