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March 16, 1998

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Amberish K Diwanji

The BJP must abandon its loony fringe

For democracies to thrive, a strong and alert Opposition is a must. A country flowers under various ideas, agendas and rulers. An Opposition with a manifesto and ideology different from the ruling government, and implementing the same when it is the ruler, is of benefit to the country at large. The above is what textbooks on politics and democracy tell us.

For instance, today everyone in India laments about Nehru's socialism which ensured India's perpetuity in poverty when its neighbours were soaring towards prosperity. Yet, could one have expected anything better from Nehru, a committed Fabian socialist? His daughter did not understand economics too well, and stayed on the path chosen by her father. If India had in its formative years a strong opposition (or if Vallabhbhai Patel had lived on), then maybe new economic ideas might have been tried out decades earlier under different dispensations than the Congress. Today, as Indian democracy matures and heads for a two- (or three-) party democracy, we more than ever need strong parties that command national respect and popularity, whose ascendancy to power does not fill anyone with fear.

The BJP, alas, is not one such party. Today, we have witnessed the spectacle of the BJP struggling to form a government. Despite accounting for 250 seats along with its allies, and being the largest single party, it was and remains unable to form a government yet. Simply because it remains anathema to many. No doubt that in the latest fiasco, Jayalalitha and her tantrums are responsible, but surely the BJP knew when aligning with her that she possessed a mercurial nature, to put it mildly. But the party simply did not have too many choices and decided to sup with the devil, with disastrous consequences.

Certain members of the not-so-United Front have preferred to back the Congress, simply to keep the BJP out of power. Given the fact that it was only a few months ago that the Congress so treacherously withdrew support to the UF and forced India into its 12th general election, this must truly appear galling. It must also make the BJP leaders seriously reflect on why their party is perceived so negatively, why it suffers from a crisis of image, and is disliked by so many.

Frankly, the BJP has no one else to blame but itself. It had, and still has, the chance to truly become the alternative to the Congress-UF. There is a likelihood of the UF breaking up, and the different constituents will then be forced to attach themselves to one or the other. In such a two-major-party situation (which most mature democracies finally have), the BJP must work to occupy the Opposition space, with an ideology and agenda that appeals to the whole of India, not just to a small segment of the population which believes in breaking mosques.

To achieve this end, the BJP simply has to discard its extreme right loony fringe. This extreme right -- comprising the likes of Sadhvi Rithambara and Vinay Katiyar -- have provided the party with short-term benefits for long-term losses, the greatest of which is its image. The memories of half-crazed men and women, working themselves up to a passion to destroy a dilapidated mosque till today haunts India, and the BJP. The party has not been able to live down that awful memory; till today, its words and actions remain suspect. Many don't trust the BJP on the Mathura and Kashi mosque disputes, the party doesn't help by making noises that lack conviction.

It is this aspect of the BJP that has made it so difficult for the mass of Indians to accept the party; why it suffers a love-hate relation with millions of the Indian middle class (loved for its clean image and positive ideas; hated for its mosque-breaking paranoia and doublespeak). The BJP still commands respect, especially in light of the troubles faced by the other parties/fronts.

The UF has today been reduced to a joke: disunited, lacking a distinct image and cohesiveness, and with virtually every constituent leader aspiring to be PM. Yet, its pro-poor ideology, and its constituents's identity with state level politics gives it strength. Whether the UF can still emerge as a strong, viable alternative, properly united in ideas and elections, remains to be seen. Right now, though, it is struggling to survive and stay united.

This leaves the rather resilient Congress, the second largest party today, in opposition to the BJP. Many Indians are thoroughly disgusted with the Congress, ever so dependent on individuals and one family (the latest is that Sonia is now party chief!); a party stinking of corruption, and dastardly lies and actions. Yet, if the party survives, it is because many Indians, especially among the deprived sections and Muslims, see it as their only salvation. Riding on this support, the party continues to harbour hopes of forming the government, later if not sooner.

If the UF and Congress are to merge, or if members of the UF choose to partner the Congress, Indian democracy needs an alternative. This can be the BJP, which, despite its many fiascoes in Gujarat and Delhi, still has an appeal. At present, the party, struggling to form a government, has declared that contentious issues will be kept out of its Common Minimum Programme, such as the Ram temple, Article 370, a Uniform Civil Code, etc.

This gives the BJP the chance to move from the extreme right to a right-of-centre party, allowing the Congress-UF to occupy the left-of-centre space. In this new role, it can still play a constructive role, both on the treasury and opposition benches. In a sense, it is asking the party to move under Vajpayee rather than Advani, the moderates rather than the mosque-breaking extremists. And it should stay that way; not turn to the extreme right every time the party loses an election.

The BJP would do well to remember that no party with extreme views (left or right) can survive as a major national party. Even the Communists had to abandon much of their rhetoric (whatever happened to the revolution?) to emerge as a force in Indian politics. And tragically, it is the Communists's continuing love for outdated ideological notions that prevents their further growth, forcing them to play bridesmaid to the Congress. Today, the Communists have been virtually wiped out in all the states, save Kerala, Tripura, and West Bengal.

The BJP can avoid the same destiny, and the fate of being forever stuck with 200 seats, or less. It can reduce its dependence on politicians like Jayalalitha and Subramanian Swamy. But, to do that, it must first give up its alliance with the RSS, VHP, and the Bajrang Dal. It must change its image from a party of rabble-rousers to that of mature statesmen.

That will also make it easier for Indians to trust the party as and when it seeks to implement some of its more contentious issues. For instance, any attempt by the BJP to enact a Uniform Civil Code today will be seen as an attempt at a Hindu code rather than a secular one. And in this lies the party's tragedy.

By occupying the right-of-centre space, the BJP will give Indians the political choice the latter must have, a chance to ensure India's more balanced development and growth. Whether the BJP takes new bold steps, or still depends on its lunatic fringe, is the question now.

Amberish K Diwanji

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