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Political rivalry, another shrine controversy dominates election scene in Dakshin Karnataka

George Iype in Chikmagalur, Mangalore

"In Dakshina Kannada and Malanadu everybody loves coffee. But the colour of coffee nowadays is saffron," quips Balakrishna Moily.

Moily, an RSS activist and now an active BJP leader, has extensively researched how the Congress citadel in Dakshina Karnataka, comprising Mangalore and Udipi and other constituencies in Malanadu like Chikmagalur and Shimoga, have become BJP bastions.

In 30 minutes, Moily gives me a strong dose of the "saffron wave" hitting the coastal areas, the sugar cane and paddy fields in the plains, coconut and arecanut palms in the hills.

But as I set out to find out the "saffron wave" in the rains, the politically conscious Mangaloreans talk animatedly. "I have been a Congress supporter all these years. But I now hate that party," Mangal Rao, owner of the Sri Krishna vegetarian restaurant, puts forward his explanations.

"I have decided to vote for the BJP because there is no Congress leader worth the name in Karnataka," says Rao.

I excuse myself and set out for the local Congress office nearby. Supporters of former chief minister Veerappa Moily, who is contesting the general election from Mangalore, are camping in the Congress office. But they are not sure if Moily will defeat three time BJP MP Dhananjaya Kumar.

"Moily will win if Sonia Gandhi comes here for campaigning," a Congress enthusiast remarks. But why Sonia? "Because our Congress leaders in Karnataka are uninspiring. And then they fight among themselves also," he adds.

The never-ending rivalry between Congress stalwarts in the state is one reason why the party has lost ground in south and north Kanara to the BJP. In the 1998 Lok Sabha election, the BJP made remarkable electoral gains in Karnataka by winning 13 seats. Last year, the BJP swept north and south Kanara constituencies like Belgaum, Chikmagalur, Kanara, Mangalore Mysore, Shimoga and Udipi.

The Congress rivalry continues in this election too. Mangalore's veteran Congress leader Janardhan Poojary is nowhere to be seen in the constituency. Peeved at the decision not to give him a ticket from Mangalore, Poojary preferred to campaign for Sonia in Bellary. "What is the point in campaigning for Moily here? Anyway, Moily is not Poojary's mentor," Poojary's supporters say.

Manorama Madhwaraj, a leader of the fish workers and a former minister who aspired for a Congress ticket from Udipi, has stopped campaigning for the party in the constituency. She publicly denounced the Congress candidate for Udupi, Vinaya Kumar Swarage.

The Congress has an uphill task at hand because the Billavas and Idigas, traditional Congress supporters in Dakshina Karnataka, have turned against the party.

The Billavas and Idigas, the toddy tappers, are the dominant communities in Chikmagalur, Mangalore, Shimoga and Udipi. Poojary is a Billava. Moily is an Idiga. But Billavas and Idigas do not have much sympathy for both leaders these days.

On the way to Chikmagalur, I pass through Billava households. Economically prosperous Billavas and Idigas have forgotten about tapping toddy. They do business in the towns and own paddy fields in the plains. But once out of Mangalore, dozens of houses on the outskirts of huge coconut palms cluster together to form little villages.

In every nook and corner, there stands Yellamma, the Billavas's community deity. They call her Surabhandeshwari, the goddess of toddy. Once the Billavas become friendly, they offer you fresh toddy and fried fish. I look around to see the posters of Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Dhananjaya Kumar decorating their makeshift houses and the coconut trees.

"All of us are voting for the BJP because the Congress has been losing here," says Thammaiah, a toddy tapper. But are the Billavas not traditional Congress supporters? "Yes, but the Congress leaders should also feel we are supporting them. They have neglected us. The BJP knows our problems. We all went to see Vajpayee last month," says Thammaiah who clearly relishes the day when he and the neighbours travelled to Mangalore to see the prime minister.

Dhananjaya Kumar arranged luxury buses and led them to witness Vajpayee speaking. The Billavas are impressed. They will be impressed if Moily takes them to see Sonia if she campaigns in Mangalore. But it is unlikely they will vote Congress. The colour of the community seems to be turning saffron.

The mood and tone in the Billava community are the same: the Congress has failed to feel their aspirations.

Elsewhere in Karnataka, the economically and educationally forward Lingayats and Vokkaligas continue to apportion a major share of elective posts. But in Dakshina Karnataka, it is not caste that has influenced politics. Congress inefficiency and the gradual eclipse of the Janata Dal helped the BJP grow here.

Dhananjaya Kumar is not a Billava, but an upper caste from the microscopic Jain community. He has won from Mangalore since 1991 and backward classes like the Billavas, Idigas, Kurbas and Nayakas form his increasing support base.

But as I reach Chikmagalur, the story of a Congress stronghold slipping into BJP hands takes a new turn. It is religion that has helped the BJP make Chikmagalur a saffron citadel.

Chikmagalur has made national headlines twice, in 1978 and 1998. The first time it helped Indira Gandhi return to Parliament. Since December 6, 1992, an Ayodhya-like situation has been simmering in Chikmagalur. In December 1998, Bajrang Dal and other Sangh Parivar outfits unleashed an Ayodhya-type campaign to liberate the Datta Peetha atop Baba Budangiri, a shrine that symbolises Hindu-Muslim unity.

Over the years, the Sangh Parivar has been scripting a similar drama here: lay claim to this place of worship, discover new histories in it and instigate the masses to avenge the imagined wounds of the past.

Thus, rath yatris wearing saffron bandanas and scarves attempted to make Chikmagalur the Ayodhya of South India. Bajrang Dal and Vishwa Hindu Parishad volunteers still shout "Bharat Mata Ki Jai" and "Garv Se Kaho Hum Hindu Hain" slogans in and around Chikmagalur.

The name of the shrine indicates it is a pluralistic place of worship where Hindus and Muslims both pray. But for the saffron brigade, it provides an opportunity to project that it is the sole protector of Hindu interests in South India.

"The BJP and the Sangh organisations always wanted to create an Ayodhya-like situation in Chikmagalur to change the political agenda and come to power for the first time in a south Indian state," says Sunil Kumar, a college teacher-turned Congress politician in Chikmagalur.

The discord on the Baba Budangiri shrine begun in 1964 when the Karnataka Wakf Board notified it under its jurisdiction. In 1980, the Chikmagalur district court struck down the order and directed the Commissioner for Religious and Charitable Endowments to look after the shrine. The Wakf Board appealed to the high court and Supreme Court to maintain the 1964 status quo. But the appeals were dismissed.

Kumar claims though the Sufi shrine controversy has existed from 1964, the BJP has been unable to turn into another Ayodhya for two reasons. "First, the Congress is very strong here. Second, people in Chikmagalur are educated, unlike those in Uttar Pradesh."

State Bajrang Dal convener Pramod Muthalik dismisses the argument. "People are aware the shrine belongs to the Hindus. Therefore, they now supporting the BJP in Chikmagalur and elsewhere in Karnataka. Hindu symbols like the conch, tulsi plant and trishul have been removed from the shrine," he claims. "We are sure the BJP will be in power soon in Karnataka and Yediyurappa will be the chief minister. The second liberation struggle for the shrine will begin then," he warns.

Not far away from the shrine lives Syed Pir Mohammed Shah Kadri, the 14th descendant of Baba Budan and the Dargah's priest. "For centuries Hindus and Muslims have peacefully worshipped at the shrine. The Muslims venerate the spot because of the shrine's association with our Sufi saint Baba Budan. The Hindu tradition has it that Swami Dattatreya meditated there, which makes it sacred for the Hindus. So we all have been worshipping here together peacefully. But it is the politicians who have been raking up the controversy," he says.

"It was Baba Budan who brought coffee seeds from Yemen and planted them here, making Karnataka the richest coffee growing belt the country," Kadri adds. "By indulging in these controversies, politicians are showing disrespect to Baba Budan."

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